Liberal Democracies and the Rise of the South, Speech delivered at the Oxford Society by Mr Ronald O Lamola, Minister of International Relations and Cooperation of South Africa, Monday, 27 January 2025

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  • Liberal Democracies and the Rise of the South, Speech delivered at the Oxford Society by Mr Ronald O Lamola, Minister of International Relations and Cooperation of South Africa, Monday, 27 January 2025

Liberal Democracies and the Rise of the South, Speech delivered at the Oxford Society by Mr Ronald O Lamola, Minister of International Relations and Cooperation of South Africa, Monday, 27 January 2025

Thank you very much for this auspicious invitation to address the world-renowned and deservedly esteemed Oxford Society.

I also appreciate your request to speak on a highly relevant topic in global affairs: Liberal Democracies and the Rise of the Global South. With your permission, I would like to slightly modify the topic to “Western Liberal Order and the Rise of the South.”

Today 27 January marks, International Holocaust Remembrance Day. This year marks the 80th anniversary of the liberation of the concentration camps by the Red Army.

The question of what type of democracies exist is perhaps a relevant question to interrogate in this forum.

Perhaps we should rightfully invoke the words of President Mandela during his inauguration speech as the first black President of South Africa. “Never, never and never again shall people experience the oppression of one by another.”

If only this were true. From Gaza to Sudan to the Democratic Republic of Congo, this very injunction is under intense scrutiny if not being violated with intense impunity.

Respect for international rule of law is the cornerstone for the respect of the UN Charter.

  1. Despite its imperfections, the international courts remain our refuge and hope that no nation can violate universal principles of territorial integrity, sovereignty and the right to self-determination.
  2. The courts are the only place where it matters not what your status is in the international community. We both stand equally and mutually in pursuit of accountability and justice.
  3. decisions of international institutions can alter diplomatic relations, exert pressure on countries to comply with international law, and facilitate diplomatic relations.
  4. These components of international law have been instrumental in protecting human life to the extent that they can.
  5. we cannot be vilified for using the ICJ as it is an organ of the UN mandated to ensure compliance with its conventions.

We continue to urge the governments of Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to renew diplomatic dialogue, fostering a pathway towards a lasting and peaceful resolution to the ongoing conflict in the region.

We strongly condemn the persistent violations of international humanitarian law and the egregious abuses of human rights occurring in the eastern DRC. This includes alarming incidents of sexual and gender-based violence, the recruitment and use of child soldiers, and extrajudicial killings perpetrated by armed groups. We advocate for accountability for all individuals responsible for these heinous acts.

Furthermore, we call upon the United Nations to leverage its resources and mechanisms to ensure that States providing arms and assistance to third-party forces are held accountable for violations against other nations’ sovereignty and territorial integrity.

The universal definition of liberal democracies refers to states founded on the principles of “individual freedoms” and “the rule of law.” We call ourselves a constitutional democracy, not necessarily a liberal democracy.

With a sense of pride yet without boastfulness, I wish to share with you that on 29th May 2024, a year designated for “extraordinary elections,” South Africa held its seventh election and emerged with its democratic credentials firmly intact.

For the first time since the dawn of democracy in 1994, the ANC did not secure over 50% of the vote. We were able to navigate this situation—not only to the astonishment of many Afro-pessimists both in the West and our own country—we, the ANC, a party with a history of 113 years, abide by this democratic outcome.

We respect the “will of the people” and the injunction from our constitution that “the people shall govern.” We also took the unprecedented step of establishing a Government of National Unity (GNU). South Africa is a fully-fledged and functioning democracy.

In 2024, the “extraordinary year of elections,” sixty-two countries held elections, including some from the South, involving more than half of the world’s population.

In our region, the majority of elections resulted in peaceful transfers of power. Countries such as Botswana, Namibia, Madagascar, Mauritius, and South Africa all went to the polls. While challenges were encountered in Mozambique, these challenges are not insurmountable.

Now, to the crux of the topic: For centuries, countries belonging to the Western liberal order have embraced a strategy that attempts to reshape the world in their image.

At times, this comes with the tendency to dictate, impose conditionalities, and resort to force in pursuit of their interests.

As a result, the full sovereignty of former colonial states is called into question. Yes, they may be able to hold elections, but what happens when that leader does not favour a former colonial power?

Some states are even being referred to as clientele states. In other words, with its obsessive realpolitik prisms and diktats, the Cold War continues to hold sway.

There are legitimate questions about whether we are now witnessing a new post-Cold War revival.

Aggressive geopolitics dominate the landscape. Some States may be democracies at home, yet they behave like dictatorships abroad.

President of the Union, ladies and gentlemen, honoured students, the rise and solidarity among countries of the Global South is genuine. South-South cooperation is palpably real and happens to be one of the cardinal principles of our foreign policy in South Africa.

Since the end of the Cold War, the fulcrum of world order no longer lies exclusively in the West. Today, we live in a pluralistic world; former colonisers and imperial states need to re-learn the art of dialogue and negotiation for the betterment of all humanity.

Just as states that support the Western liberal order harbour their national interests, so too do nations of the South. Their primary priorities are to create the political, economic, and social spheres necessary for combating poverty, underdevelopment, and the marginalisation of their citizens.

Many outsiders and critics overlook the importance of solidarity and friendship among the countries of the South. However, it is more than that.

Some southern groupings have weakened, yet others remain strong. Regional and sub-regional groups in the South, such as the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), the Forum for China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), the Africa-India Forum, G77 plus China, the India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) Dialogue Forum, and the BRICS grouping, are all striving to consolidate the global south agenda for development.

The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and the G77 Plus China require revitalisation. NAM is particularly crucial because one of our foreign policy’s most important strategies and principles is non-alignment: the commitment to remain non-aligned in the face of great power rivalries and wars, consistently maintaining that we are not the plaything of others, and pursuing a balanced approach as we pursue negotiated solutions to conflicts and wars.

Our key non-alignment principles include:

Respect for justice and international obligations,

Upholding the right of each nation to defend itself, whether individually or collectively, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations to peacefully resolve disputes, and

Refraining from acts or threats of aggression or the use of force against any nation’s territorial integrity or political independence.

Amongst others

BRICS is a significant game-changer. Rather than opting for confrontation, Western states should consider dialogue and engagement. BRICS is not an alliance like the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). It is a constellation of diverse states from various regions, comprising political, cultural, and economic members.

It is intentionally pluriversal in nature, emphasising pluralism. However, just because it is not a formal alliance of states, it still possesses the potential to impact the global stage, like other organisations, but without a military alliance.

I wish to assert that “financing for development,” along with a new global compact, will be one of the most contentious issues during the G20 later this year. One must ask: how does Africa, which bears the least responsibility for the global warming crisis, receive only 3% of funding? That is utterly irrational.

During his opening remarks at the BRICS Leaders Plenary session of the Kazan Summit, President Ramaphosa provided us with a fitting understanding of this global body. The President stated: “What a timely occasion to host the BRICS Summit in a city so rich in heritage and culture, as we embrace this new chapter in BRICS as an expanded family of countries equally rich in history, culture, and systems.”

Our commitment to multilateralism should not be questioned. All members are dedicated to working urgently toward UN reform. Without hesitation, BRICS supported comprehensive reform of the UN, including the Security Council, aiming to make it more democratic, representative, effective, and efficient while increasing the representation of developing countries.

As South Africa, we are convinced that as we approach the UN’s 80th anniversary in 2025, we must see real and tangible progress.

As an example of BRICS’ strength, I left the BRICS summit in Kazan convinced that BRICS is one of the most representative and plural constellations in the world, advocating for a transformation of the global order to enhance the voice and representation of its members.

BRICS asserts that the days of unipolarity and hegemony are over and that we must embrace multilateralism and policy-centred approaches in world affairs—not others. In 2024, BRICS countries collectively accounted for approximately 35% of the world’s GDP in purchasing power parity (PPP), compared to the G7’s 30%. Between 2000 and 2023, BRICS* increased its share of global merchandise exports from 10.7% to 23.3% in November 2024.

South Africa and the G20

I conclude with South Africa’s presidency of the G20. As you are all aware, on 1 December 2024, our presidency of the G20 began formally and in earnest. We took over the mantle from Brazil, which recently hosted a successful G20 Summit. You might know that the G20 comprises the 19 largest economies, along with the EU and AU, and organisations such as the NDB, IMF, World Bank, African Development Bank, and many others are invited.

The G20 has transformed into a powerful organisation where the North and South come together to debate significant geopolitical and geo-economic issues. Our presidency and summit in 2025 will be no different. You can expect serious North-South engagement.

I wish to assure you all that South Africa is already hard at work to impart real meaning and expression, as urged by the President, to make our motto and mantra for the G20 of “Fostering Solidarity, Equality, and Sustainable Development” come to life. For us, it revolves around “Sustainable Development,” and we intend to unpack and give substance to this imperative. South Africa will strive for tangible support and commitment to the SDGs, the UN Secretary-General’s “Pact of the Future,” and, of course, Africa’s “Agenda 2063: the Future we want.”

Honoured guests, please be aware that the Global Economic and Financial transformation will feature prominently during the November 2025 G20 Summit in Johannesburg. I have been fascinated to the point of being gobsmacked to witness just how much interest there is from the Western powers in the topic of “critical minerals” that will be on the agenda. For us from Africa, the “Just Energy Transition” issue, with an emphasis on it, is of paramount importance. The bifurcation between North and South, or West and South, is glaringly obvious.

Conclusion

To conclude, in an age of volatile, combustible, and anarchic world, shifting global dynamics make the need to strengthen South-South cooperation clearer.

So, I end with a question: are members and protagonists of the Western liberal order truly interested in a shared world built on the foundations of genuine multilateralism, or are they intent on asserting their power and hegemony, leading us all down the path of a deeply divided world made up of competing universes?

ISSUED BY THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND COOPERATION

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